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Hudson

Aug-06
21

Unalienable

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We have seen the word unalienable many times on this blog. (See occurrences here ) It exists in the second paragraph of the United States Declaration of Independence.

We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness — That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its Foundation on such Principles, and organizing its Powers in such Form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

But what does it mean? The concept of Man’s rights being unalienable is based solely upon the belief of their Divine origin. Without this belief, there is no moral basis for any claim that they are unalienable or for any claim to the great benefits flowing from this concept. Man has no power to alienate–to dispose of, by surrender, barter or gift any of his God-given rights. This is the meaning of “unalienable.”

This governmental philosophy is uniquely American. Only our country, â??The United Statesâ? in all of the world’s history, has true unalienable rights. We were founded on the assumption that the individual has rights that exist apart from the government and not at its pleasure. In many other countries, like England and Canada, they also have their own Bill of Rights, but those rights are at the pleasure of the government. It is stated in their laws. In those countries both the people and the governments consider their rights to be gifts from the government and subject to government approval. So they are not â??unalienableâ? rights at all. In 1868, the U.S. Constitution was amended to say that even the states cannot violate our unalienable rights. These things form the basis of our freedom and are the reasons why the United States is the freest country on earth.

Many people, even those here mistakenly use the term â??constitutional rights.â? Our rights are not constitutional rights. Our Founding Fathers never intended them to be. They set this country up with the understanding that our rights are God-given or natural. They are not gifts from the government; they are not granted by the Constitution. Nowhere does the Constitution say we are being granted rights. When rights are mentioned, it says only that the government cannot deprive us of them. And nowhere does it say our rights are peculiarly American rights. In fact, it specifically says…that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights… That, my friends is the philosophical and legal basis of this country.

Why, then, do we even have a Bill of Rights in our Constitution? The Federalists, Hamilton, John Adams, etc., didn’t want one because they feared not only would any rights not included be denied, but that the government would then begin acting as if the government itself, and the Constitution in particular, would be viewed as the source of our rights. On the flip side, Thomas Jefferson, George Mason, and others wanted a Bill of Rights because they feared that without it the government would eventually assume our rights didn’t exist. Part of the compromise to make sure â??un-enumerated rightsâ? were not ignored was the Ninth Amendment. It specifically says, â??The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.â?

Today you will quite often find methods used by the U.S. Congress to cheapen the unalienable Bill of Rights by calling proposed legislation such things as: the patients" bill of rights, the property owners" bill of rights, the â??what you want nowâ? bill of rights, etc. By marketing these legislative schemes with the words â??bill of rightsâ? attached to the name leads citizens who are no longer properly schooled in the founding of our country, the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights, to believe rights are granted by government edict and that no rights are truly unalienable.

Read the other posts where unalienable rights are discussed:

Why isn’t the Declaration of Independence studied in schools?

Thou Shall Notâ??.
Spirit’s Corner
Principles of Liberty
Spirit’s Corner

No related posts.

Categories : General

Comments

  1. ChoosingLife says:

    Notice that each one of the Divinely-granted and inspired “rights” don’t end with any of these words:

    “If you’re in the mood”, or “unless I don’t agree”, or “with the exception of”, or “but…”

  2. bildanielson says:

    Although at the time he was not the booming orator of his earlier years in the House of Burgesses, Patrick Henry most likely was the key to getting the bill of rights included. Without it, the constitution would not have been ratified. It is clear that what was of utmost concern to Henry, and the other anti-Federalists, was limiting the power of the Federal Government – to them this was crucial (how right they were in hindsight!).

    Henry (an anti-Federalist) was a gifted orator and a naturally intelligent individual. Henry argued clearly that the fundamental idea presented by the Declaration of Independence would have been altogether lost with a Constitution sans a bill of rights:

    How were the congressional rights defined when the people of America united by a confederacy to defend their liberties and rights against the tyrannical attempts of Great Britain? The states were not then contented with implied reservation. No, Mr. Chairman. It was expressly declared in our Confederation that every right was retained by the states, respectively, which was not given up to the government of the United States. But there is no such thing here. You, therefore, by a natural and unavoidable implication, give up your rights to the general government.

    Your own example furnishes an argument against it. If you give up these powers, without a bill of rights, you will exhibit the most absurd thing to mankind that ever the world saw — government that has abandoned all its powers — the powers of direct taxation, the sword, and the purse. You have disposed of them to Congress, without a bill of rights — without check, limitation, or control. And still you have checks and guards; still you keep barriers — pointed where? Pointed against your weakened, prostrated, enervated state government! You have a bill of rights to defend you against the state government, which is bereaved of all power, and yet you have none against Congress, though in full and exclusive possession of all power! You arm yourselves against the weak and defenceless, and expose yourselves naked to the armed and powerful. Is not this a conduct of unexampled absurdity? What barriers have you to oppose to this most strong, energetic government? To that government you have nothing to oppose. All your defence is given up. This is a real, actual defect. It must strike the mind of every gentleman.

    Henry went on to summarize as follows:


    The officers of Congress may come upon you now, fortified with all the terrors of paramount federal authority. Excisemen may come in multitudes; for the limitation of their numbers no man knows. They may, unless the general government be restrained by a bill of rights, or some similar restriction, go into your cellars and rooms, and search, ransack, and measure, every thing you eat, drink, and wear. They ought to be restrained Within proper bounds.
    With respect to the freedom of the press, I need say nothing; for it is hoped that the gentlemen who shall compose Congress will take care to infringe as little as possible the rights of human nature. This will result from their integrity. They should, from prudence, abstain from violating the rights of their constituents. They are not, however, expressly restrained. But whether they will intermeddle with that palladium of our liberties or not, I leave you to determine.”

    Henry was consistent with his overriding concern for limiting the power of the FEderal Government – For example, the following were his words in argument for, essentially, a right to bear arms:

    May we not discipline and arm them, as well as Congress, if the power be concurrent? so that our militia shall have two sets of arms, double sets of regimentals, &c.; and thus, at a very great cost, we shall be doubly armed. The great object is, that every man be armed. But can the people afford to pay for double sets of arms, &c.? Every one Who is able may have a gun. But we have learned, by experience, that, necessary as it is to have arms, and though our Assembly has, by a succession of laws for many years, endeavored to have the militia completely armed, it is still far from being the case. When this power is given up to Congress without. limitation or bounds, how will your militia be afraid? You trust to chance; for sure I am that that nation which shall trust its liberties in other hands cannot long exist. If gentlemen are serious when they suppose a concurrent power, where can be the impolicy to amend it? Or, in other words, to say that Congress shall not arm or discipline them, till the states Shall have refused or neglected to do it? This is my object. I only wish to bring it to what they themselves say is implied. Implication is to be the foundation of our civil liberties; and when you speak of arming the militia by a {387} concurrence of power, you use implication. But implication will not save you, when a strong army of veterans comes upon you. You would be laughed at by the whole world, for trusting your safety implicitly to implication.

    The argument of my honorable friend was, that rulers might tyrannize. The answer he received was, that they will not. In saying that they would not, he admitted they might. In this great, this essential part of the Constitution, if you are safe, it is not from the Constitution, but from the virtues of the men in government. If gentlemen are willing to trust themselves and posterity to so slender and improbable a chance, they have greater strength of nerves than I have.

    The honorable gentleman, in endeavoring to answer the question why the militia were to be called forth to execute the laws, said that the civil power would probably do it. He is driven to say, that the civil power may do it instead of the militia. Sir, the military power ought not to interpose till the civil power refuse. If this be the spirit of your new Constitution, that the laws are to be enforced by military coercion, we may easily divine the happy consequences which will result from it. The civil power is not to be employed at all. If it be, show me it. I read inattentively, and could see nothing to warrant a belief that the civil power can be called for. I should be glad to see the power that authorizes Congress to do so. The sheriff will be aided by military force. The most wanton excesses may be committed under color of this; for every man in office, in the states, is to take an oath to support it in all its operations. The honorable gentleman said, in answer to the objection that the militia might be marched from New Hampshire to Georgia, that the members of the government would not attempt to excite the indignation of the people. Here, again, we have the general unsatisfactory answer, that they will be virtuous, and that there is no danger.

    Will gentlemen be satisfied with an answer which admits of dangers and abuses if they be wicked? Let us put it of their power to do mischief. I am convinced, there is no safety in the paper on the table as it stands now. I am sorry to have an occasion to pass a eulogium on the British government, as gentlemen may object to it. But how natural it is, when comparing deformities to beauty, to be {388} struck with the superiority of the British government to that system! In England, self-love — self-interest — powerfully stimulates the executive magistrate to advance the prosperity of the nation. In the most distant part, he feels the loss of his subjects. He will see the great advantage of his posterity inseparable from the felicity of his people. Man is a fallen creature, a fallible being, and cannot be depended on without self-love. Your President will not have the same motives of self-love to impel him to favor your interests. His political character is but transient, and he will promote, as much as possible, his own private interests. He will conclude, the constant observation has been that he will abuse his power, and that it is expected. The king of England has a more permanent interest. His stock, his family, is to continue in possession of the same emolument. The more flourishing his nation, the more formidable and powerful is he. The sword and purse are not united, in that government, in the same hands, as in this system. Does not infinite security result from a separation?

    But it is said that our Congress are more responsible than the British Parliament. It appears to me that there is no real, but there may be some specious responsibility. If Congress, in the execution of their unbounded powers, shall have done wrong, how will you come at them to punish them, if they are at the distance of five hundred miles? At such a great distance, they will evade responsibility altogether. If you have given up your militia, and. Congress shall refuse to arm them, you have lost every thing. Your existence will be precarious, because you depend on others, whose interests are not affected by your infelicity. If Congress are to arm us exclusively, the man of New Hampshire may vote for or against it, as well as the Virginian. The great distance and difference between the two places render it possible that the people of that country can know or pursue what will promote our convenience. I therefore contend that, if, Congress do not arm the militia, we ought to provide for it ourselves.

    If one reads the Federalist Papers, one ought to also read the Anti-Federalist Papers which were written contemporaneously and as a point – counter point to the propositions raised in the Federalist Papers.

  3. shining Light says:

    Yes true, but an average American needs to see that the Constitution says there are these unalienable rights, so Constitutional rights are a step in the right direction to educate the public by saying that the constitution declares that these unalienable rights exist.

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